Second Phase of CDM

The second phase of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) marks a critical juncture in the global effort to combat climate change. Building upon the foundational framework established in the initial phase, this next stage represents a concerted push towards enhanced ambition, efficiency, and inclusivity in emissions reduction initiatives. As the urgency of addressing climate-related challenges intensifies, the second phase of CDM endeavors to refine and expand upon its mechanisms, leveraging advancements in technology, policy, and international collaboration to drive even greater impact. With a renewed focus on innovation, equity, and sustainability, this phase aims to catalyze transformative action on a global scale, forging a path towards a more resilient and low-carbon future.

The decision to resume the civil disobedience movement was made by the Congress Working Committee on December 29, 1931, following the failure of the second Round Table Conference. Here’s an overview of the events that unfolded during this period:

Truce Period Activity (March-December 1931): Despite the truce period, there were instances of defiance that kept the spirit of resistance alive. In various regions like the United Provinces, NWFP, and Bengal, movements against oppressive policies and actions continued. For example, in the United Provinces, the Congress led a movement for rent reduction and against evictions. In the NWFP, repression was unleashed against the Khudai Khidmatgars and peasants protesting brutal tax-collection methods. In Bengal, draconian ordinances and mass detentions were used under the guise of fighting terrorism.
Changed Government Attitude: Following the second Round Table Conference, British officials aimed to reverse the trend of increasing Congress prestige and political morale among the people. The British were determined to prevent Gandhi from reinvigorating the mass movement, maintain the confidence of those supporting the British against the Congress, and prevent the consolidation of the national movement in rural areas.
Government Action: Upon the decision to resume civil disobedience, Viceroy Willingdon refused to meet Gandhi and Gandhi was arrested on January 4, 1932. The government responded with a series of repressive ordinances, essentially establishing a form of martial law under civilian control. Congress organizations were banned, arrests were made, properties were confiscated, and press freedom was curtailed. Repression, particularly targeting women, was severe.
Popular Response: Despite being unprepared, the response from the masses was massive. Around 80,000 satyagrahis, mainly urban and rural poor, were jailed in the first four months alone. Various forms of protest, including picketing, non-violent demonstrations, and symbolic acts of defiance, were witnessed. However, this phase of the civil disobedience movement could not be sustained for long due to the lack of time to build momentum and insufficient preparation among the masses.
End of Civil Disobedience Movement: Gandhi decided to withdraw the civil disobedience movement in April 1934. Although the people had been intimidated by superior force, they had not lost faith in the Congress and the idea of freedom.
The Communal Award, announced by British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald on August 16, 1932, was based on the findings of the Indian Franchise Committee, also known as the Lothian Committee. It established separate electorates and reserved seats for various minorities, including the depressed classes, who were granted seventy-eight reserved seats. This award provided separate electorates for Muslims, Europeans, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians, depressed classes, and even the Marathas for some seats in Bombay. However, the national leaders, led by the Congress, perceived this award as another tactic of British divide and rule policy.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar had advocated for the separate treatment of the depressed classes as an independent minority distinct from the caste Hindus. Even the Bengal Depressed Classes Association had lobbied for separate electorates with seats reserved according to the proportion of depressed class members to the total population, as well as for adult franchise. However, the Simon Commission rejected the proposal for separate electorates for the depressed classes but retained the concept of reserving seats.
During the second Round Table Conference in London, Ambedkar once again raised the issue of separate electorates for the depressed classes. Initially, he tried to reach a compromise with Gandhi on reserved seats within a common electorate. However, Gandhi, who considered himself the sole representative of India’s oppressed masses, rejected Ambedkar’s proposal and denounced the other delegates as unrepresentative. Gandhi also attempted to strike a deal with Muslims, promising to support their demands if they opposed separate electorates for the depressed classes. However, despite these efforts, a consensus on minority representation could not be reached among the Indian delegates.
In response to the deadlock, Ramsay MacDonald, who chaired the committee on minorities, offered to mediate, provided that other committee members supported his decision. This mediation resulted in the Communal Award, which further solidified the separate electorate and reserved seats for minorities.

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The main provisions of the Communal Award were:

Separate Electorates: Muslims, Europeans, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians, depressed classes, women, and even the Marathas were granted separate electorates. The depressed classes were to have this arrangement for a period of 20 years.
Communal Distribution of Seats: Seats in provincial legislatures were to be distributed on a communal basis.
Doubling of Existing Seats: The existing seats in provincial legislatures were to be doubled.
Weightage for Muslims: Muslims were to be granted weightage in provinces where they were in the minority.
Reservation for Women: Except in the North West Frontier Province, 3 percent of seats were to be reserved for women in all provinces.
Status of Depressed Classes as a Minority: The depressed classes were to be declared or accorded the status of a minority.
Double Vote for Depressed Classes: The depressed classes were to have a ‘double vote,’ allowing them to vote through separate electorates and in the general electorates.
Allocation of Seats for Specific Groups: Seats were to be allocated for laborers, landlords, traders, and industrialists.
Special Allocation for Marathas in Bombay: In the province of Bombay, 7 seats were to be allocated for the Marathas.

The Congress, although opposed to the Communal Award and separate electorates, took a nuanced stance. They recognized the need for the consent of minorities before any changes were made to the Communal Award. Therefore, while strongly disagreeing with it, the Congress neither accepted nor rejected the Communal Award.

Gandhi vehemently opposed the Communal Award, viewing it as a threat to Indian unity and nationalism. He believed it would perpetuate social divisions, particularly regarding untouchability, and hinder efforts to eradicate it. Gandhi advocated for the depressed classes to be integrated into the general electorate while still having a larger number of reserved seats. To press his demands, Gandhi initiated an indefinite fast on September 20, 1932.

In response to Gandhi’s fast and to find a compromise, leaders from various backgrounds, including B.R. Ambedkar, M.C. Rajah, and Madan Mohan Malaviya, came together to negotiate the Poona Pact.

The Poona Pact, signed by B.R. Ambedkar on behalf of the depressed classes on September 24, 1932, marked a significant departure from the Communal Award by abandoning the idea of separate electorates for the depressed classes. Instead, it increased the number of reserved seats for them in provincial legislatures to 147 and to 18 percent of the total in the Central Legislature.

However, the Poona Pact did not lead to the desired emancipation of the depressed classes and created several challenges:

Political Instrumentalization: The depressed classes became political tools for majoritarian caste Hindu organizations.
Lack of Genuine Leadership: The true representatives of the depressed classes struggled to win against those supported by caste Hindu organizations, leaving them leaderless.
Submission to Status Quo: The pact hindered the development of independent and genuine leadership within the depressed classes, leading to submission to the existing Brahminical order.
Subordination: By denying separate and distinct existence, the pact subordinated the depressed classes within the Hindu social order.
Obstruction to Ideal Society: It potentially obstructed the creation of an ideal society based on equality, liberty, fraternity, and justice.
Impact on Constitution: By not recognizing Dalits as a separate element, it may have preempted their rights and safeguards in the Constitution of independent India.

The introduction of joint electorates also posed challenges. The All India Scheduled Caste Federation’s Working Committee alleged that the system deprived scheduled castes of true representation, allowing the Hindu majority to nominate representatives who would serve its interests. Consequently, there were demands for the restoration of separate electorates and the nullification of joint electorates and reserved seats. Despite signing the Poona Pact, B.R. Ambedkar continued to denounce it until 1947.

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Gandhi’s Harijan Campaign was a dedicated effort to eradicate untouchability and uplift the oppressed sections of society. Here’s a summary of his campaign and his thoughts on caste:

Campaign Initiation: Gandhi launched the campaign against untouchability while in jail, setting up the All India Anti-Untouchability League and starting the weekly Harijan in 1933. After his release, he intensified his efforts, touring the country extensively and conducting a Harijan tour covering 20,000 km.
Objectives: Gandhi’s campaign aimed at removing untouchability in all its forms and promoting social, economic, political, and cultural upliftment of Harijans. He stressed the need for political workers to engage in village work for Harijan upliftment.
Fast and Opposition: Gandhi’s campaign faced opposition from orthodox and reactionary elements who disrupted his meetings and accused him of attacking Hinduism. Gandhi undertook fasts in May and August 1934 to highlight the seriousness of the issue, which created turmoil among nationalists.
Themes: Throughout his campaign, Gandhi condemned Hindu society for the oppression of Harijans and called for the total eradication of untouchability. He emphasized the need for caste Hindus to do penance for the suffering inflicted on Harijans.
Differentiation: Gandhi distinguished between the abolition of untouchability and the abolition of the caste system. While advocating for the removal of untouchability, he believed that the varnashram system could be complementary if purged of distinctions of high and low.
Approach to Reform: Gandhi opposed compulsion against orthodox Hindus and believed in winning them over through persuasion. He emphasized internal reforms among Harijans, including education, cleanliness, and giving up harmful practices.
Impact: Gandhi described the campaign as primarily aimed at purifying Hinduism and society. It led to increasing participation of Harijans in nationalist and peasant movements, carrying the message of nationalism to them.

Overall, Gandhi’s Harijan Campaign was a significant effort to address social injustices and promote equality in Indian society, contributing to the broader nationalist movement.

FAQs

Q: What is the Second Phase of CDM?

A: The Second Phase of CDM refers to the continuation and evolution of the Clean Development Mechanism established under the Kyoto Protocol. It aims to further facilitate emission reduction projects in developing countries while enabling developed countries to meet their emission reduction targets.

Q: What are the key changes in the Second Phase of CDM?

A: One significant change is the emphasis on enhancing the environmental integrity of projects. This includes stricter criteria for project additionality and the incorporation of sustainable development co-benefits. Additionally, the second phase aims to streamline administrative processes and reduce transaction costs for project participants.

Q: How does the Second Phase of CDM contribute to global climate goals?

A: By incentivizing emission reduction projects in developing countries, the Second Phase of CDM contributes to mitigating climate change on a global scale. It allows developed countries to invest in cost-effective emission reduction measures in developing nations, thereby fostering global cooperation in combating climate change.

Q: What opportunities does the Second Phase of CDM offer for project developers?

A: The Second Phase of CDM offers opportunities for project developers to access funding and technical expertise for implementing emission reduction projects. It provides a platform for showcasing innovative technologies and sustainable practices while generating revenue through the sale of certified emission reductions (CERs) in the carbon market.

Q: How can stakeholders participate in the Second Phase of CDM?

A: Stakeholders, including project developers, investors, governments, and NGOs, can participate in the Second Phase of CDM by engaging in project development, financing, and implementation. They can also contribute to policy discussions and capacity-building initiatives aimed at maximizing the effectiveness and reach of the CDM in addressing climate change challenges.

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Second Phase of CDM – UPSC Modern History Notes