Modern-indian-history / Popular Uprisings After 1857 / Popular Uprisings After 1857

Popular Uprisings After 1857

  • Numerous peasant and tribal movements emerged in India following the events of 1857, playing a significant role in the country's fight for independence. During the 17th and 18th centuries, the condition of Indian peasants progressively deteriorated. The primary reason behind the uprisings among peasants and tribes was the impact of colonial economic policies, which brought about changes in the agricultural system, the decline of handicrafts resulting in overcrowded land, the implementation of a new land revenue system, and the introduction of a colonial administrative and judicial framework.
  • Peasants residing in zamindar-controlled regions encountered challenges such as exorbitant rents, unlawful deforestation, arbitrary evictions, and unpaid labour. In Ryotwari districts, the government imposed substantial land revenue on farmers. Burdened by these circumstances and apprehensive about losing their only means of sustenance, many farmers resorted to local moneylenders who took advantage of their hardships by charging exorbitant interest rates on loans. Consequently, in many regions, the original peasants gradually transformed into sharecroppers, labourers with proportional rights, or even landless workers. These peasants often resisted exploitation and gradually recognized the colonial state as their true adversary. In some cases, desperate peasants turned to criminal activities as a means of escaping their unbearable conditions.

Indigo Revolt(1859)

  • The Indigo Revolt of 1859 occurred in Bengal, where European indigo planters exploited local farmers by compelling them to cultivate indigo instead of more profitable crops like rice. These plantation owners employed coercive tactics, such as forcing farmers to take advance payments and enter into deceitful contracts, which were subsequently used against them. In 1859, the anger of the peasants reached its peak and they were led by Digambar Biswas and Bishnu Biswas from the Nadia district of Bengal. The peasants organised themselves to resist the planters' attacks. The plantation owners also resorted to eviction and rent hikes as means of control.
  • The rioters initiated a rent strike, refusing to pay increased rents, and physically resisted eviction attempts. Over time, they learned to navigate the legal system and sought support to raise funds for their legal battles. Bengali intellectuals played a crucial role in supporting the farmers' interests by conducting newspaper campaigns, organising rallies, documenting grievances among the peasants, and providing assistance in court cases. To investigate the issues related to indigo cultivation, the government established the Indigo Commission. In November 1860, the government issued a declaration that compelled the raiyats (peasants) to cultivate indigo and resolve disputes through legal means. However, by the end of the 1860s, the planters had already closed their factories, and indigo cultivation had nearly ceased in Bengal.

Moplah Uprising 

  • During the period of 1850-1900, a series of Moplah Uprisings took place in Malabar. As the Jenmi landlords, supported by the police, law courts, and revenue officials, tightened their control over the Moplah peasants, the latter rebelled against both the landlords and British colonial rule. It is notable that the conflict, which initially stemmed from economic disparities between the wealthy Jenmi landlords and the impoverished Moplah peasants, took on a distinct communal dimension due to the religious differences between the Hindu landlords and Muslim peasants.
  • The landlords responded with repression, which persisted until 1880. In their efforts to suppress the peasant movement, they even resorted to burning the bodies of the rebels to instil fear and demoralise the populace. Scholars like D.N. Dhanagare have pointed out how these brutal acts of the landlords provoked retaliatory actions from the peasants.
  • In 1875, an anonymous petition from the Moplah peasants was submitted to the Madras Government, leading to an inquiry. However, between 1882 and 1885, hostilities resumed, and the peasants engaged in actions such as looting property, burning the houses of landlords, and desecrating Hindu temples. These actions introduced an anti-Hindu sentiment to what was fundamentally a class conflict between the peasants and the landlords. By 1896, the struggle of the Moplah peasants had taken on an aggressively communal character.

Pabna Revolt (1873-85)

  • The Pabna peasants' movement of 1873-1885 in Bengal was another significant uprising. Initially, the peasants in Pabna did not resist rent increases and complied with the demands of their landlords between 1858 and 1873. However, the main issue that triggered the movement was the landlords' attempts to undermine the tenants' newly acquired occupancy rights. The landlords forcibly coerced occupancy tenants into becoming tenants-at-will through written agreements.
  • As the peasants became more aware of the new laws, they recognized the injustice they faced. Additionally, there were problems related to illegal dues in certain areas like Tripura. In 1873, the Pabna peasants formed an agrarian league that quickly spread throughout the district. Most newspapers that were aligned with the landlords, such as Amrita Bazar Patrika, opposed the league. Notably, the peasants did not defy the colonial authority and expressed their aspiration to become loyal subjects of the Queen of England. Their opposition was directed towards the harassment they faced rather than refusing to pay dues. Initially, there were instances of a sympathetic colonial administration supporting the peasants in their cases against the landlords.
  • As the movement progressed, popular forms of mobilisation emerged, such as the use of conch-shell blasts, drum beats, and other methods to gather people and resist the landlords' illegal demands. Through "night shouts," villagers expressed solidarity with the movement. Kalyan Kumar Sengupta has emphasised the movement's "Legalistic Character," with instances of violence being rare. The peasants were primarily focused on defending their property and holdings.

Deccan Riots

  • The Deccan Riots, which erupted in 1875, had their roots in the development of the ryotwari system itself. A class of moneylenders emerged, exploiting peasants through high-interest loans ranging from 25% to 50%. The transition from the collective system of tax collection meant that the moneylenders were no longer subject to the village's executive and judicial authority, unlike in the past. The courts and new laws further exacerbated caste differences between the Vanis (village moneylenders) and the Kunbis (cultivator caste), favouring the former. As a result, there was an increase in the transfer of land from peasants to moneylenders, and the Kunbis' immovable property could be sold to recover loans. These issues were compounded by population growth, economic dislocation, and misguided attempts by the colonial administration to increase rents.
  • In this explosive situation, the young Brahmin leaders of the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha and the declining dominant landed families took up the cause of the peasants. The Kunbis rose against the Vanis, seeking to seize their title deeds and mortgage bonds, which were seen as instruments of oppression.
  • The Deccan Riots led to the breakdown of the relationship that had previously connected the Kunbis and Vanis. Similar to previous patterns, the class conflict took on the form of a caste conflict.

Koya Rebellion 

  • The Koya Rebellion took place in 1879-1880 in the eastern Godavari region of present-day Andhra Pradesh, with some impact on parts of the Malkangiri region of the Koraput district in Odisha. The rebellion was led by Tomma Dora, a Koya leader. The movement arose as a response to the challenges faced by the tribal communities, including the erosion of their customary rights over forests and the exploitation by moneylenders who gained control over the Koyas' lives through loans and land transfers.
  • Tomma Dora was revered by the Koyas as the "King" of Malkangiri. There are accounts of the rebels taking over a police station in Motu. However, the movement quickly came to an end when Dora was shot dead by the police, leading to the collapse of the rebellion.

Kisan Sabha Movement:

  • After the revolt of 1857, the talukas of Awadh regained their land. This increased the power of the peasants, that is, the large landowners, over the agrarian society of the province. World War I raised the price of food and other necessities and due to this, the condition of the farmers of UP worsened.  The Integrated Kisan Sabha Provinces were founded in February 1918 by Gauri Shankar Mishra and Indra Narayan Dwivedi. Madan Mohan Malaviya supported his efforts and the other prominent leaders were Jinguri Singh, Durgapal Singh and Baba Ramchandra.
  • In October 1920, the Awadh Kisan Sabha was born because of differences in nationalist ranks. The centre of activity was primarily in the districts of Raebareli, Faizabad, and Sultanpur. 

Eka Movement:

  •  At the end of 1921, peasant discontent rekindled in certain districts in the north of the United Provinces: Khardoi, Bahrain and Sitapur. The following issues arose: High rent – 50% more than the recorded prices.
  • Meetings of the Eka or Unity Movement included a symbolic religious ritual in which the gathered peasants made a vow that they would pay only the recorded rent but would pay it on time and not leave when evicted. They refuse to do forced labour and give no help to criminals. The basic leadership of the Eka Movement came from Madari Pasi and other low-caste leaders and many small zamindars.

Moplah Revolt:

  •  The revolt took place in the Moplah district of Malabar in 1921. The increasing demand for income and shrinking land, as well as the repression of the authorities, sparked a large-scale peasant revolt among the Malabar Moplahs. Between 1836 and 1854, there were 22 rebellions. However, none of them succeeded. ( However, Hindu-Muslim differences distanced the Congress and the Moplahs. By 1921, the Moplahs had been subdued.)

Ramosi Uprising:

  • Ramosi, who served in the lower ranks of the Marathi army and police, instigated a rebellion in Satara. In 1822, under the leadership of Chittoor Singh, to protest the high price of land. Rigorous methods of revenue and their collection. Another rebellion broke out under his banner in 1825-1826. Due to severe famine and shortage in Umaji Punia. They went bankrupt for three years. Eventually, the British government not only forgave their sins but subdued them. He also gave them plots of land and recruited them for the mountain police.

Kuka Movement: 

  • This movement was founded in 1840 by Bhagat JawaharMal (also called Sian Saheb) in west Punjab. There are two names associated with the start of this movement i.e. Baba Balak Singh and Bhagat Jawar (or Jawahar) Mal.
  • Balak Singh was born in the village Sarvala, in District Attock, in 1799. He started preaching very early in his life and the objective of his preachings was to uphold the religious purity of Sikhism. Some sources say that Balak Singh himself was a disciple of Bhagat JawaharMal. When the British took control of Punjab, the movement changed from a campaign of religious purification to a political one. Its basic tenets were the abolition of caste and similar discriminations among Sikhs, discouraging the eating of meat and intake of alcohol and drugs, and encouraging women to step out of seclusion.

Birsa Munda Revolt

  • The last popular movement occurred between 1874 and 1901 and was led by Birsa Munda, particularly from around 1895. This tribal movement affected an area of approximately 400 square miles in the Chotanagpur region of South Bihar. It originated from the fundamental issues faced by the tribal people during the colonial period, such as the erosion of customary rights, forced labour, and the impact of colonial laws. In its early phase, the movement had a significant association with Christianity.
  • The Mundas, believing that German missionaries would address the injustices perpetrated by the zamindars, embraced Christianity. In fact, in 1857, some zamindars attacked the German mission at Ranchi because of its support for the Mundas. From around 1858, there are records of Christian tribals resisting oppressive zamindars, and this resistance intensified between 1862 and 1888. In 1867, around 14,000 "Christians" filed a petition against the Raja of Chotanagpur and the local police, which they submitted to the colonial authorities. Some efforts were made to restore lands to the dispossessed Mundas.
  • In March 1879, the Mundas asserted their claim to Chotanagpur. In 1881, some sardars led by a figure named John the Baptist established a kingdom at Doesa. Subsequently, the movement underwent significant changes. Dissatisfaction with the German missionaries prompted the Mundas to sever their ties with them and instead turn to the Catholic mission. The colonial officials and zamindars sought closer cooperation to pacify the movement. Consequently, the struggle that ensued united the rebels against all Europeans, including Christian missionaries and officials, as well as the Dikus (outsiders) and the landed elite.
  • In this context, Birsa Munda emerged as a leader among the Mundas, initially gaining popularity through his reputed healing and medicinal abilities. The Mundas envisioned an ideal and just society that would be free from both internal and European exploiters. They believed that consuming "forest water" would grant them invincibility against their powerful oppressors. Women actively participated in the movement, and although there were instances of violence, the movement did not harbour animosity towards economically subordinate non-tribal individuals.
  • However, the Birsa Munda movement faced ruthless suppression by the colonial authorities. Birsa himself was arrested, and the repressive machinery was deployed to crush the rebellion.
  • From the discussions above, certain conclusions can be drawn. The popular movements we have examined were directed against both colonialism and the Indian elites, including moneylenders and zamindars who were often perceived as outsiders or Dikus. It is important to emphasise that the opposition to these Dikus was rooted in the exploitation they perpetrated, rather than their non-tribal identity.

Rampa Rebellion

  • The Rampa Rebellion, also known as the Manyam Rebellion, occurred in 1922 and was led by Alluri Sitarama Raju in the Godavari Agency. It lasted from August 1922 until Raju's capture and death in May 1924. The rebellion was sparked by the hardships faced by the Koya tribal community due to forced labour, restrictions on collecting forest resources, and bans on their traditional agricultural practices. Although Raju was not a member of the tribal community, he understood the oppressive policies imposed by the British colonial administration.
  • The Rampa administrative area covered approximately 1,800 square kilometres with a predominantly tribal population of around 28,000. The tribes had traditionally sustained themselves by practising the Podu system, which involved burning parts of the jungle each year to clear land for cultivation. However, the British authorities sought to exploit the lands in the Godavari Agency for economic purposes, disregarding the needs of the tribal people and disrupting their traditional cultivation methods. The region was known for its high incidence of malaria and blackwater fever.
  • The tribal people, who faced starvation as a result, believed that the legal system favoured estate landowners and merchants, leading to their economic marginalisation. This dissatisfaction had previously led to the Rampa Rebellion of 1879. Additionally, the tribal people resented the Raj laws and ongoing actions that hindered their economic well-being, such as forced labour in road construction projects.
  • Raju played a significant role in the rebellion as a charismatic sannyasin, or ascetic, who was revered by many tribal people. They believed he possessed magical powers and regarded him as a messianic figure. Raju channelled the discontent of the tribal community and used it to fuel his anti-colonial agenda, considering the overthrow of colonial rule as a transformative event.
  • During the course of the revolt, Raju and 500 tribal individuals attacked police stations in Chintapalli, Krishnadevipeta, and Rajavommangi, acquiring 26 police carbine rifles and 2,500 rounds of ammunition. Legend has it that Raju would warn British officers of imminent attacks and challenge them to stop him despite their superior resources. Eventually, he was captured, tied to a tree, and executed by being shot.

Working Class Movements

  • The industrial workers between 1850 and 1900 were primarily composed of dispossessed peasants and artisans who had lost their traditional occupations due to the impact of colonialism. These workers became part of the modern industrial sector that emerged as a result of British colonial influence in India. Initially, this sector was dominated by British capitalists and began to develop around the 1840s.
  • British capitalists were attracted to India due to the availability of abundant raw materials and a cheap labour force. They invested in various industries such as tea plantations (starting from 1839), jute, coal, mining, railways (early 1850s), and later, there was significant recruitment in the ports by the turn of the century.
  • The only industry in which the Indian business class had significant involvement was the textile industry. The Indian business class played a dominant role in this sector, which emerged around the 1850s and was mainly concentrated in regions like Bombay (now Mumbai) and Ahmedabad.
  • It is important to emphasise that the development of this "modern" sector did not lead to full-fledged capitalist development in India. Instead, it was built upon the archaic foundations of a predominantly feudal economy intentionally preserved by the colonial regime. Furthermore, the primary objective of this sector was not to foster India's development. These characteristics had significant implications for the workers involved.
  • The workers in the "modern" sector found themselves in semi-servile conditions. They had to endure long working hours, typically 15 to 16 hours a day, while receiving low wages and facing miserable working conditions. This included women and children who were also subjected to these harsh circumstances. Physical abuse and torture were not uncommon. Additionally, their diet was often worse than what was provided to criminals in jails.
  • Municipal reports provide ample evidence of deaths resulting from illnesses among plantation workers. Given these dire conditions, the workers were unable to organise themselves effectively. Consequently, most of the movements that arose were spontaneous in nature and aimed at addressing their unfavourable circumstances.

Efforts of the Educated Gentry 

  • During the period of 1850-1900, there were scattered and unorganised struggles among workers, which have been characterised as elementary struggles by Sukomal Sen. However, during this phase, we also see sections of the educated gentry stepping forward to address the issues faced by workers.
  • In 1870, Sasipada Banerjee, a member of the Brahmo Samaj, established the "Working Men's Club" and started publishing a journal from Baranagar near Calcutta in 1874. The Calcutta Brahmo Samaj founded the "Working Men's Mission" in 1878 with the aim of promoting religious morality among workers.
  • By 1878, Sorabjee Sapru Jee Bengali and Narayan Meghajee Lokhundy were actively working with cotton mill labourers in Bombay. Their efforts led to the drafting of a memorandum in 1884, which included demands such as a weekly rest day on Sundays, a half-hour break at noon, a working day from 6:30 a.m. to sunset, timely payment of wages by the 15th of the following month, and provisions for full wages in case of injury or pension in case of permanent disability. Around 5,000 workers signed this memorandum, which was then submitted to the commission appointed by the Government of Bombay in 1884. The recommendations from this memorandum played a significant role in shaping the first Indian Factories Act of 1891.
  • In April 1890, Lakhundy organised another meeting attended by approximately 10,000 workers, where two female workers also spoke. A memorial requesting a weekly holiday was drafted and sent to the Bombay Mill Owners' Association. This request was granted on June 10, 1890. However, it lacked legal sanction and could not be effectively enforced. Nonetheless, the demand for a weekly rest day became popular across various industrial centres as a result of these efforts.

Strikes 

  • During this phase, while there were efforts to organise workers, the predominant feature was spontaneous workers' movements and strikes. Some notable strikes include the river transport porters' strike in Bengal in 1853 and a coachmen's strike in Calcutta in 1862. However, the first significant strike occurred in 1862 when around 1,200 labourers at Howrah railway station went on strike demanding an 8-hour workday. It is worth noting that this action took place 24 years before the historic May Day Movement of the Chicago workers, and the strike happened in a sector that had already been active since 1853.
  • This strike was followed by a series of strike actions. In 1877, a major strike took place at Nagpur Empress Mills over wage rates. Between 1882 and 1890, there were 25 strikes in the Bombay and Madras presidencies. Interestingly, a significant number of strikes in the Bombay presidency occurred in factories owned by Indians, particularly in the textile industry. Bengal also witnessed spontaneous strikes that were often centred around demands for higher wages and the reinstatement of dismissed workers.

While examining these popular struggles, there are several noteworthy characteristics to consider:

  • Narrowing the gap between workers and the intelligentsia: The social-reform movements, such as the Brahmo Samaj, and global developments in other parts of the world (e.g., England) triggered humanitarian notions among the intelligentsia, leading them to be attracted to the cause of workers. This trend continued into the early twentieth century, with figures like Gandhi and Anusaya Ben making efforts to connect with and educate mill workers. These efforts aimed to bridge the gap between the workers and the educated class.
  • Leadership dynamics: In many cases, the workers were led by "jobbers" or Sirdars who belonged to the same region and caste as the workers they recruited. This sometimes led to the sidelining of workers' demands as the focus shifted to the struggle between the jobbers and employers. On other occasions, the intelligentsia took on leadership roles. Overall, it can be observed that the workers in this stage often had to rely on external leaders for guidance.
  • Influence of feudal values: The workers, who primarily consisted of displaced rural populations, were deeply influenced by feudal values due to the colonisation of India. Even when the intelligentsia provided leadership, their influence was limited by these prevailing feudal values. As a result, issues such as the degrading condition of women and child labourers remained largely ignored, and popular struggles tended to concentrate on immediate problems like wages, retrenchments, and the demand for a weekly rest day.
  • Despite these limitations, it is important to acknowledge the heroism of the workers during this period when organised trade unions were not yet established to support them in their struggles.

Working Men's Club

  • The Working Men's Club was an organisation founded by Sasipada Banerjee in 1870 in Kolkata, India. The club was formed with the goal of providing a space for working-class men to socialise, learn, and organise. The club offered a variety of activities and services, including a library, a reading room, a gymnasium, and a debating society. The club also published a monthly journal called Bharat Shramjeevi (Indian Labour).
  • The Working Men's Club was one of the first organisations in India to promote the rights of working-class people. The club's activities and publications helped to raise awareness of the working-class condition and to inspire workers to organise for better working conditions and wages. The club also played a role in the Indian independence movement.
  • The Working Men's Club was closed down by the British colonial government in 1890. However, the club's legacy continues to inspire working-class people in India and around the world.
  • The Working Men's Club is a relevant topic for UPSC exams because it is an example of early working-class activism in India. The club's activities and publications helped to raise awareness of the working-class condition and to inspire workers to organise for better working conditions and wages. The club also played a role in the Indian independence movement.

The Working Men's Mission

  • The Working Men's Mission was an organisation founded by the Brahmo Samaj in 1878 in Kolkata, India. The mission was formed with the goal of providing moral education and social upliftment to working-class men. The mission offered a variety of programs and services, including night schools, libraries, reading rooms, and gymnasiums. The mission also published a monthly journal called The Working Man's Friend.
  • The Working Men's Mission was one of the first organisations in India to promote the welfare of working-class people. The mission's programs and services helped to improve the lives of working-class men and their families. The mission also played a role in the Indian independence movement by educating and mobilising working-class men to fight for their rights.
  • The Working Men's Mission was closed down by the British colonial government in 1947. However, the mission's legacy continues to inspire working-class people in India and around the world.
  • The Working Men's Mission is a relevant topic for UPSC exams because it is an example of early social welfare work in India. The mission's programs and services helped to improve the lives of working-class men and their families. The mission also played a role in the Indian independence movement by educating and mobilising working-class men to fight for their rights.

The First Indian Factories Act was passed in 1891. 

  • It was an amendment to the Indian Factories Act, of 1881, and it made a number of changes to the original Act. The most significant changes were:
  • The minimum age for employment was increased from 7 to 9 years.
  • The maximum working hours for children were reduced from 9 hours to 7 hours per day.
  • The maximum working hours for women were set at 11 hours per day.
  • A weekly holiday was introduced for all workers.
  • The requirements for fencing machinery were made more stringent.
  • Employers were prohibited from employing women within 4 weeks after confinement.
  • The First Indian Factories Act was a significant piece of legislation, and it helped to improve the working conditions of children and women in Indian factories. However, it was not without its critics. Some argued that the Act did not go far enough and that the minimum age for employment should be increased to 12 years, and the maximum working hours for children should be reduced to 6 hours per day. Others argued that the Act was too restrictive and that it would harm the Indian economy.
  • Despite the criticism, the First Indian Factories Act was an important step forward in the protection of child and women workers in India. It was followed by a number of other factory Acts, which further improved the working conditions of Indian workers.
  • Here are some additional details about the First Indian Factories Act:
  • It was passed by the Indian Legislative Council on March 3, 1891.
  • It came into force on July 1, 1891.
  • It applied to all factories in India that employed 100 or more workers.
  • It was amended several times, the most significant amendments being in 1911, 1922, and 1934.
  • It was repealed by the Factories Act, of 1948.

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